by Matt Laughlin
Today’s crises reflect a central lack of democracy in our day-to-day. More now than ever in the modern era, we lack control over the decisions which shape our world and our lives. We find ourselves in a destructive and useless war which we opposed in the majority long before it began. Many are saturated by wealth, while nearby, millions are caught in a cycle of poverty and subjected to crime, disease and natural disaster. What does it say about our nation’s priorities when we allow thousands of our most poor and oppressed people to drown in the floodwaters of the Gulf Coast? Surely this is not a nation where we, the people are responsible for such mistakes. Why on earth would we, the poor and working class majority subject ourselves to such horrors. To be sure, it must be the fault of those who have a direct say in our nation’s affairs – those who have the most wealth in our society.
Over 30 years ago, America was reeling from the tragedy of Vietnam, and we said, “Never again.” What changed? Did we all consciously decide it was time to give it another go? If not, then why do we find ourselves here once more? The only possible explanation can be that we no longer have as great a voice in these decisions as we would need in order to avoid such changes in direction.
So what happened?
Civic institutions such as community groups, labor unions, community churches, student unions and local political organizations have all taken major hits in funding and membership in recent decades. These grassroots bodies form the basis through which regular people effectively influence the government by exercising their strength in numbers and putting their collective pressure on those in high places of power.
A call was put out on May 22 that convoys from the Army's first Stryker Brigade Combat Team stationed at
The first day of protests saw a few dozen people come out in the streets. Four resisters from
Almost every day a meeting was held to discuss direct action, tactics and media. Usually, attendance at the meeting numbered at thirty or forty and the meetings were conducted in a genuinely participatory and democratic way. Affinity groups were formed at meetings, tactics were discussed and strategies and potential outcomes were covered at length. A group calling itself Port Militarization Resistance was established to articulate the aims of the resistance and create a resolutely anti-imperialist and internationalist response to the port's militarization. A diversity of tactics were developed at these meetings and later materialized, along with more spontaneous events, in the streets. Some of the tactics of protest included flyering, banner dropping, critical mass,[mass bike rides to block traffic] establishing tent cities and rendezvous points, vigils, blockades, marches, community outreach and maintaining a 24/7 watch on the port.
As the democratic fervor of the meetings increased so too did police surveillance. A house that became defacto headquarters for a while was the target of around the clock police and Coast Guard mobile K9 Unit surveillance. Resisters were followed by pigs to and from the house and a number of resisters were confronted by undercovers on the street who made futile attempts to extract information from them. A painfully obvious undercover federal agent was spotted at the port later in the week, no doubt recording our conversations.
The next large wave of arrests came on Wednesday May 24th. Human chains were propped up on the main road leading to the port entrance. After halting the convoy for quite some time, nine people, including two SDSers, in the first human chain were arrested and carted off to jail. A second human chain ran to the entrance of the port when the convoy made a detour. The detour occurred because Ultimate Fighter [UFC] and anarchist Jeff "The Snowman" Monson refused to move; and the pigs, not surprisingly, refused to move him. The second human chain was created by people linking arms through PVC pipes.
SDS has risen up to advocate for student syndicalism [unionism] and a radical vision of a democratic university, and built an impressive coalition in the process. The SDS free speech demonstration on Friday, Feb 2nd, was attended not just by activists, but students most activists groups wouldn’t think to try to organize – including athletes and Frat boys.
I was invited to come to OU in
We woke the morning of the demo to a new blanket of snow coating the campus. It was beautiful. We met in a nearby coffee shop early to tie up loose ends. Somehow a PBS news crew found us an hour early and interviewed Olivia and Sarah.
The snow was falling as students gathered around the civil war monument – an area NOT in a free speech zone. A student read the plaque outside the monument - one that discussed liberties that we’re supposed to have in this country, and about 150 students gathered around the SDS banner hanging from the monument.
Initially, energy seemed low. Some folks didn’t even want to chant. I soon realized this was a good thing; about 90% of the people there had likely never been to a demonstration before. Despite the lack of racial diversity, in other respects the diversity of students there was staggering. SDS managed to mobilize a wide cross section of campus, including students with a wide range of interests and backgrounds - people who would have never come out to a demonstration if it weren’t for Athens SDS’ strategy to simply be relevant.
After the president of the Graduate Student Union spoke, Will Klatt gave a speech about the corporatization of our universities.I was also invited to speak about Free Speech Zones…After which I convinced folks that chanting can be fun and it doesn’t make you a hippy.
Rosemary Esch announced SDS’ demands on the administration…And Dylan spoke about SDS being inspired by Malcolm X and organizing students AS students. People were fired up and marched to the president’s office. Energy was high, people were dancing and chanting and whoopin’ and hollerin’. We reached the chief of police and demanded entrance...And got it.
The cop actually turned out to be a pretty nice guy. Most of his background in stopping “civil disturbance” had been shutting down KKK rallies, so he seemed pretty down that we were actually trying to do something positive. Always important to remember to try to get inside the head of the police if you confront them - on campuses at least, they usually just don’t want to look bad in front of their bosses. If you can challenge their power and authority and get what you want, while still making it so they can play it off to their superior like they had control over the situation, then not only do you win and alter the power dynamics, but you usually eliminate the chance of arrest.
When we found out the president was in hiding, we decided to have a spokescouncil to see what to do next. [Spokesouncils are large meetings representing large numbers of people, utilizing democratic mechanisms, such as the instant recall of representatives by those they are representing in order to keep them accountable to the majority]
Strategically, it was useful for a lot of reasons. Not only did we want to democratically decide what to do next, but it helped all the participants in the demo - people with very different backgrounds and experience levels in activism - feel ownership over the march. Part of the strategy of the demo was to engage and activate people as much as possible. It worked (I’ll explain how in a minute).
We decided to march to a meeting of Vision
We danced…And went inside the new student building and shook things up…And tracked down the Dean.
A student issued the demands…And he pinkey-swore Sarah that they would be responded to by the president before the deadline that SDS issued.
Afterwards we found out where the Vision
…
At the end, we pushed that idea even further. We announced that we were going to have a strategy session workshop, and it wasn’t just for SDS - everyone was invited to come shape SDS’ strategy. If SDS is supposed to be building a student movement, their vision and strategy has gotta be shaped by real students, not just a small section of them. We wanted it as participatory as possible.
I was asked to facilitate the training/workshop. Some of the best ideas came from people who had not only never thought strategically before, but had never thought about activism period before. In the session we identified clear concepts about what it means to strategize campaigns – differentiated between campaigning for change or simply protesting it, between specific goals, broader vision, and the difference between being guided by a strategy rather than a random assortment of tactics. We identified power holders in the administration, how they were related to other power holders, what their points of weakness were, and how to leverage our own power to target them. We identified what the different kinds of tactics are, how to build and escalate them, and brainstormed on how to use them to connect with allies, be accountable to other students and student groups, build power, and win concrete victories each step of the way.
Perhaps more than any other national organization today, SDS is doing the hard work of building a new society. We have 245 chapters at the high school, college and community levels, 2000 members and a wealth of knowledge from this generation and generations past.
1 comment:
Nice job, Matt - reminds me of my college days in the sixties.
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